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In the years ahead, the agency would write more than 6 million tweets, and its posts would attract 76 million engagements on Facebook and 183 million on Instagram. And then suddenly it became one of the most influential accounts operated by the IRA's troll farm. On the walls were inspirational posters: Leadership is action, not position. People associate "moderate" with the middle of the road, the center, but Shenker-Osorio thinks that's a mistake. Just put their food stamps under their work boots. Which is different from saying they prefer the mean between the two poles. But what seemed to me even more significant than the subject matter was how the trolls talked about these issues. Crystal1Johnson would tweet 11 more times that day, a major increase relative to the real Crystal's posts, and in this noticeably different vein. A report by the research firm New Knowledge provided to Senate investigators described similar goals: "to undermine citizens' trust in government, exploit societal fractures, create distrust in the information environment, blur the lines between reality and fiction, undermine trust among communities, and erode confidence in the democratic process. They believe that, yes, immigrants enrich our lives, and, yes, immigrants cost us jobs. When the IRA's project became public knowledge, a simplistic, if seductive, story line grew up around it. Day by day, what you choose, what you think and what you do is who you become. On another occasion: "Good morning! Major in transgender activism crossword clue. Measured by retweets, Crystal1 was the second-most-powerful Twitter user in the entire sprawling Russian effort, with some 3.

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What struck Torres was how the woman's hostility to immigrants lay on the surface but, right below it, was the seedling of another view. Jenna also turned political disagreements into conflicts over identity—"New study confirmed: Men who are physically strong are more likely to take a right-wing stance, while weaker men support the welfare state. " Leaders who attempt outreach to the unpersuaded are attacked by their own side as sellouts. But when he kept digging, she realized, "Oh, well, yeah, my sister's husband is undocumented, and he got hurt at work. But the major investment in the social-media project seemed to reflect a calculation that, of all the vulnerabilities of modern American society, its internal fracturing—countryside against city, niece against uncle, Black against white—was a particular weakness. Major in transgender activism crossword club.doctissimo.fr. But Shenker-Osorio thinks about it as a rule of 20–60–20. "My discovery in doing this work was that most people are 60–40 around most things, " Steve Deline, a longtime organizer for LGBTQ rights and a co-founder of the New Conversation Initiative, told me. Trump, still a relatively new presidential candidate, had proposed "a total and complete shutdown of Muslims entering the United States until our country's representatives can figure out what the hell is going on. " As tempting as it may be to view the Russian operatives as instigators, their talent was not inventiveness, but rather the faithfulness of their mimicry. Political observers started saying that his campaign was more than a curiosity or a carnival, that it recalled the beginnings of some of the most dangerous movements in history. The Russian mission, far from dropping something on America from outer space, had been to fertilize behaviors already flourishing on American soil.

But their common aim was to amplify the worst cultural tendencies of an age of division: writing other people off, assuming they would never change their mind, and viewing those who thought differently as needing to be resisted rather than won over. "KKK was terrorizing us decades before #ISIS appeared, " it thundered. If Americans can be manipulated, they can also be persuaded. Major in transgender activism crossword club.doctissimo. The troll farm wanted Americans to regard people with different views as immovable, brainwashed, disloyal, repulsive.

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Shenker-Osorio argues that this approach all too often ends up pleasing no one, leaving the base disillusioned and the moderates merely meh. Again and again, the IRA posts were sending the same message: These people are not to be trusted. Each had to manage multiple fake accounts and produce message after message—reportedly three posts a day per account if Facebook was their medium, or 50 on Twitter. The best political appeals, she says, are structured like this: shared value, problem, solution. Their mission, however, is now public knowledge: to gather evidence of conditions in the United States for a project to destabilize its political system and society, using the rather improbable weapon of millions of social-media posts. Krylova was a high-ranking official at the Internet Research Agency in St. Petersburg, Russia, an ostensibly private company that was connected with Russian intelligence. In time, a more sobering analysis emerged.

Persuadable voters, she told me, are "the 'Good Point' People because they're like this: 'Good point. A new Crystal Johnson had emerged, less interested in real-estate advice than in deep-rooted racial injustices. Today he thinks of his role as helping hostile or indifferent voters see the humanity of people like him, and he has been amazed at how often he succeeds. What they shared was their dissent from the great write-off. He's in the ICU, and they have no health care, they can't get worker's comp, and they're struggling. " A few years ago, as the pandemic began and a cloud of doom rose over the horizon, I began to follow a group of these optimists: activists, educators, political professionals, and, above all, organizers. "The IRA knows that in political warfare disgust is a much more powerful tool than anger, " Linvill and Warren wrote. But they saw the great American write-off from a distance, recognized its potential, and exploited it. Crystal1 also weighed in on a television remake of The Wiz, a remix of The Wizard of Oz with an all-Black cast. It read, according to the newspaper Novaya Gazeta. "Does #Mississippi Gov. My guide to the process was a young LUCHA organizer named Cesar Torres.

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For canvassers, these dissonances are grist for the persuasive mill. Many of their tweets were thoughtless, full of typos, or copied and pasted straight from elsewhere on the internet. And I learned a great deal about how confused and complicated and contradicted and, therefore, malleable millions of voters are. I got to know a cognitive scientist and a cult deprogrammer who each work on combatting disinformation and manipulation, and who explained how the dominant approach to dealing with the victims of phenomena like QAnon is all wrong; they are thinking up what a public-health approach to the disinformation problem would look like. "The story of Russian interference was a really damaging crutch for the imagination, " the Russian American writer Masha Gessen told me not long ago. Even Heracleitus made a cameo: "The content of your character is your choice. When you ask people to rate their support for various issues (as opposed to parties, about which people are far more tribal), a fifth are committed to your side; a fifth are reliably for the opposition; and most people are "moderate, " which is to say their minds are in play. Reporting on this army of persuaders, I began to look differently at those Russian trolls. Two months into tweeting, with more than 6, 000 followers, the account posted: "Everyone has a beard now and I wonder, is that #beard trend connected with #ISIS or just a coincidence? " When I began to read the posts myself, I saw even more clearly how the Russians had gone about this work. I followed her work over the past two years as she advised major, if not widely publicized, projects of political persuasion: first, a quiet campaign that brought together disparate groups across the left to try to ensure as smooth a transition of power as possible in January 2021; and then regular Zoom strategy sessions for organizers, activists, and staffers working to implement the Biden agenda.

Organizers spend as long as 30 minutes at each door, and the goal is to get people to talk and talk—about why they feel some kind of way about transgender people or undocumented people or minimum-wage workers—while the organizer listens without judgment and builds trust before trying to persuade.
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